Well, well, well. We may have been arguing with employees.
For years, Ghana treated social media political madness as spontaneous combustion.
Somebody wakes up.
Switches on a phone.
Develops an inexplicable hatred for somebody they have never met.
Records seventeen videos, posts twenty-three insults, makes unsubstantiated allegations, produces zero evidence and demands to be taken seriously.
Then five profiles arrive with the same argument, target, vocabulary and, by the extraordinary intervention of a Miracle, the same spelling mistake.
We called it political activism.
The Ghana Jollof investigation may be inviting us to reconsider.
Beneath the insults, grave threats and Olympic-standard verbal gymnastics lies a more interesting allegation.
Money.
Police allege financial transactions involving nurse Salomey Awiti Bafoh, Barbara Asantewaa Kodua, whom CID identifies as Ghana Jollof, and influential or high profile persons. They also allege recruitment and redistribution around Ghana Jollof’s videos. CID says forensic examination of devices and mobile money records showed funds allegedly moving from influential persons through Salomey to Ghana Jollof, and separately from Ghana Jollof through Salomey to others circulating her videos.
CID also highlighted a video in which Barbara allegedly claimed there had been a near coup d’état at Jubilee House.
These remain allegations, not findings of guilt.
But CID now has an identity puzzle worth clearing up.
The mystery did not begin yesterday. As far back as May 2025, police documents identified “Alberta Okrah @ Ghana Jollof” as an accused person allegedly at large. More than a year later, CID identifies “Barbara Asantewaa Kodua @ Ghana Jollof,” reportedly domiciled in the UK, and has declared her wanted.
So, respectfully, COP Lydia Donkor: who is Alberta Okrah?
Is Alberta an alias for Barbara, another person entirely, or was the earlier identification mistaken? And crucially, is CID dealing with one Ghana Jollof or more than one person behind the name?
That is not pedantry. Identity is foundational when somebody may eventually have to be arrested abroad and lawfully returned to Ghana.
If influential or high profile persons allegedly transferred money to Salomey, who allegedly shared funds with Ghana Jollof, while Ghana Jollof allegedly sent money through Salomey for redistribution, what was each payment actually for?
Money may prove association; purpose helps prove the case.
If the evidence supports prosecution and Ghana Jollof remains abroad, lawful steps to return the correctly identified suspect for trial should follow.
But if the allegations hold, Ghana Jollof may be the noise; the bigger story may be an Outrage Factory with a complete value chain.
So how much of Ghana’s political outrage is organic, and how much is allegedly manufactured, financed and distributed?
Because the genius of organised propaganda is not convincing you that propaganda is true.
It is convincing you that propaganda is spontaneous.
Imagine the alleged arrangement: money moves from a respectable face, an intermediary coordinates, an influencer vomits, foot soldiers distribute, and we spend three days committing fratricide on Facebook while the organisers enjoy lunch.
Now CID must establish whether the alleged factory exists, how far it extends and who, if anyone, operated it. If the evidence ultimately says otherwise, CID may have to say so too.
Receiving money is not itself a crime. Neither is political communication or association. Even stupidity remains magnificently constitutional.
The person screaming into the phone may merely be the exhaust pipe; the real investigative task is proving who, if anyone, built the engine and operated the factory.
CID deserves credit for following the operation beyond the phone. Every link must now withstand scrutiny.
Perhaps CID has accidentally opened the factory door.
Now identify everyone inside.
Kay Codjoe
